Extra-curricular activities and work experience
Family circumstances continue to play a strong part in determining inequalities across the higher education sector, from access to success and progression. Once at university, experience is differentiated by ethnicity and social class. Because of financial and family factors, students from lower socio-economic backgrounds and some ethnic groups are less likely to participate in wider social and cultural experiences on campus and this can intensify inequalities in outcomes. As indicated in the section ‘Higher education and social mobility’, following the expansion of the sector, the additional skills and experiences gained from extra-curricular activities now hold a premium for recruiters. A degree is no longer enough and students are expected to acquire and mobilise additional skills and experiences to gain a positional advantage.
In such a competitive landscape, ‘the rules of the game’ have changed and students are expected to be aware of them in order to get ahead. But research has revealed that knowledge of the ‘rules’ varies by social class along with the propensity to acquire additional employability skills. And this is born out in university participation data that suggests that careers services and activities are disproportionately accessed by students from higher socio-economic backgrounds.1
The game is no longer just about educational advantage based on quality of degree. The stakes have been raised and the privileged seek ever-increasing ways of securing their position and coming out on top. This has implications for HE policy and widening participation strategies, and suggests a need for universities to address maximising the experience of university and actively providing opportunities to have ‘more than just a degree’ in order to begin to address the equity challenges currently facing working-class young people.2
Relevant work experience is rated by two thirds of recruiting employers as being a critical or significant factor sought in job candidates.3 Amongst large recruiters, around a third of graduate positions are filled by graduates who have already worked within their organisations, through internships, placements or vacation work. In some sectors, over half of those students undertaking internships subsequently secure a graduate role with the same employer.4
There is evidence to indicate the shaping force of social networks in graduate outcomes. Students from higher socio-economic backgrounds have access to information and support (capital) that is unavailable to their peers who have experienced financial hardship. This social positioning puts students from higher social groups at a strategic advantage to understand employers’ expectations and access work experience opportunities.5
Yet access to relevant work experience and internships is differential by background.6 The Paired Peers project provides valuable, longitudinal research into the trajectories of students through higher education and into the labour market.7
It compares students from different social backgrounds attending two different types of university, the University of Bristol and the University of the West of England. It highlights the effect of social background on students’ experience of higher education, particularly with regard to their sense of ‘fit’. The study found that economic constraints on students from lower socio-economic backgrounds meant they were under greater pressure to take up casual jobs which, in turn, impacted negatively on their engagement in extra-curricular activities and work experience.
Proportion of employers offering internships by size, area and sector8
There is also geographical inequality in access to internships and graduate work experience as the majority of opportunities are in London where the cost of living is the highest in the UK. Almost half of all employers offer internship opportunities and almost half of graduates have undertaken one. They are widespread and clearly perceived as valuable routes to employment, but they are not readily accessible to all students based on geography, social networks or financial resources. A study in 2018 found that of employers who offer internships, 48% offer unpaid placements.9
Additionally, many are unadvertised and therefore place emphasis on the use of personal networks, disadvantaging individuals without strong social networks in professional contexts.10 Whilst recent campaigns to ban unpaid internships and unpaid work experience beyond four weeks have gained some traction amongst employers, barriers remain and it is a key area where change needs to take place to enable more equal graduate outcomes.11
Footnotes
- Bridge Group. (2017) Social mobility and careers services.
- Ann-Marie Bathmaker, Nicola Ingram and Richard Waller. (2013) Higher education, social class and the mobilisation of capitals: recognising and playing the game. British Journal of Sociology of Education. 34: 5-6, p. 741.
- UK Commission for Employment and Skills. Employer perspectives survey 2014. See also Universities UK. (2018) Solving future skills challenges.
- Rebecca Montacute. (2018) Internships: unpaid, unadvertised, unfair. The Sutton Trust.
- Ann-Marie Bathmaker, Nicola Ingram and Richard Waller. (2013) Higher education, social class and the mobilisation of capitals: recognising and playing the game. British Journal of Sociology of Education. 34: 5-6.
- Social Mobility Commission. (2017) State of the Nation: Social Mobility in Great Britain.
- https://www.suttontrust.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Pay-As-You-Go-1.pdf
- Ann-Marie Bathmaker. (2013) The Paired Peers Project 3 Year Report.
- Carl Cullinane and Rebecca Montacute. (2018). Pay as you go? Internship pay, quality and access in the graduate jobs market. The Sutton Trust.
- Sam Friedman. (2019) The class ceiling: why it pays to be privileged. Policy Press.
- Social Mobility Commission. (2017) Unpaid internships are damaging to social mobility.
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